Kosovo issue inflaming separatism in EU neighbours

24.02.2006 - 09:55 CET | By Andrew Rettman

EUOBSERVER / BRUSSELS - The idea of Kosovan independence as a precedent for other separatist states is catching on in South Caucasus, with damaging implications for EU energy interests.

The breakaway Georgian regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and the Armenian-occupied Azerbaijan region, Nagorno-Karabakh, are using the Kosovan model to legitimise their own "de facto states", UK-based analyst Oksana Antonenko said.

"The EU must develop a position on this. To say we don't recognise a linkage is not good enough," the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) expert added.

"The politicians and the elite continue to make a case to their people. The issue of Kosovo's status is changing their expectations, making them less willing to engage in the peace process."

Separatists will "scream about double standards" if the EU endorses independence in Kosovo but pushes reunification in South Caucasus, Brussels-based CEPS analyst Michael Emerson indicated.

Pristina and Belgrade are currently in talks to decide the status of Kosovo, a UN-administered province in Serbia since ethnic clashes subsided in 1999.

But senior UK diplomat John Sawers told Belgrade two weeks ago that the west has "decided" Kosovo should be independent.

Russian gambit
Russian president Vladimir Putin gave weight to the Kosovo precedent idea on Russian TV on 30 January, with Moscow diplomats discussing the notion at UN level since.

"We need universal principles to find a fair solution to these problems," Mr Putin said.

"If people believe that Kosovo can be granted full independence, why then should we deny it to Abkhazia and South Ossetia?" he asked. "We know that Turkey, for instance, has recognised the republic of Northern Cyprus."

Russian troops in Georgia and Armenia give Moscow leverage against the pro-EU drift of South Caucasus.

But Mr Putin's words confused some experts, with Russia historically opposed to Kosovan independence and facing a legacy of separatism at home in Chechnya, Ingushetia and Dagestan.

"It's hard to know if they are serious or just trying to create pressure against Kosovan independence," former Estonian foreign minister and socialist MEP Toomas Ilves indicated.

"If Kosovo becomes a precedent and Transniestria recognises Abkhazia, Northern Cyprus recognises Nagorno-Karabakh, we could have a real mess on our hands."

Bosnian region Republika Srpska "will" also call for independence if Kosovo has its way, Serbian contacts told British conservative MEP Charles Tannock on a recent trip to Belgrade.

EU peace efforts
Brussels does not recognise Abkhazia, South Ossetia, or Nagorno-Karabakh, but the EU is stepping up conflict resolution and EU integration efforts in South Caucasus under its neighbourhood policy.

The EU buys oil from Azerbaijan through the so-called BCT pipeline, with plans afoot to build a new Caspian Sea gas link via Azerbaijan and Georgia under the Nabucco project, reducing energy dependency on Russia.

"If there was a new conflict [in Nagorno-Karabakh], the first target would be the pipeline and the oil terminals," senior OSCE diplomat Bernard Fassier indicated.

"It's essential the EU uses all the tools at its disposal...to get the message across that you have to respect compromise," he added.

EU special envoy to the region, Heikki Talvitie, said Europe has promised peacekeepers and a "blessing ceremony" for Nagorno-Karabakh if Armenia and Azerbaijan can clinch a deal.

He recently went to Moscow to endorse a Georgian-Russian plan for demilitarising South Ossetia.

EU neighbours on dangerous path
International diplomacy's new interest in South Caucasus comes at a time when popular hardliners are gaining support for military solutions to the conflicts.

The region is arming for battle with Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan all doubling their military spending in the past two years.

"There is a radicalisation of public opinion and a push for more hardline solutions in the future," the IISS' Antonenko said. "What we have seen in the past few years is a serious arms race in South Caucasus."

The OSCE's Bernard Fassier recalled that young soldiers die "on a monthly basis" in border skirmishes in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, while the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict claimed 10,000 lives in 1994.

"Time is not on our side," he stated. "Chekhov has taught us, if you have a pistol on the table in the first act, it will be fired by someone before the curtain drops."


http://euobserver.com/9/20979

# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Friday, February 24, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

Serbs, Ethnic Albanians Don't Reach Deal

VIENNA, Austria_U.N.-mediated talks over Kosovo's disputed political status will resume in a month after a Serb and ethnic Albanian meeting on the issue Tuesday produced no agreement.
The two-day talks at Vienna's Daun-Kinssky Palace were aimed at resolving one of the toughest disputes left from the 1990s ethnic Balkan conflicts: whether Kosovo should gain full independence or remain part of Serbia-Montenegro.
Albert Rohan, the U.N.'s deputy envoy at the talks, said that the first encounter was held in a "cooperative spirit" and mediators found some common ground during discussions. He set the next meeting for March 17.
Rohan said the talks were not aimed at reaching a specific agreement but rather to finding common ground on issues not directly linked to Kosovo's status.
Ethnic Albanians, who comprise about 90 percent of Kosovo's population of 2 million, want independence. Serbia insists on retaining some control over the region, which it considers an integral part of the nation and the birthplace of its national identity centuries ago.
Leon Kojen, a Serb delegate, said the talks were "useful" but that the two sides remained opposed on Kosovo's future status.
"Solutions which contravene the territorial integrity of (Serbia-Montenegro) for us are unacceptable," Kojen said after the meeting.
Lutfi Haziri, the head of the Kosovo delegation, said the province should become independent "as soon as possible. If it is possible tomorrow, we would be happy," he said.
Rohan said U.N. mediators were tackling practical issues in the hope of reaching a final agreement by the end of 2006.
The United Nations has administered the province since 1999, after NATO launched air attacks to stop a crackdown on independence-minded ethnic Albanians by President Slobodan Milosevic's Serb forces.
Thousands of people died and hundreds of thousands were displaced during the war, and the end of hostilities did not bring the two sides any closer to a resolution.
Rohan conceded that it might take a generation for the two sides to live together in harmony after the bloodshed of the 1990s. For now the best hope for them is if they cohabit, Rohan said.
The overall process is being mediated by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari.
Diplomats from the so-called Contact Group _ the United States, Britain, Germany, France, Italy and Russia _ have already agreed that the province cannot return to its previous status under direct Serb rule, nor can it be partitioned along ethnic lines or join another country in the region, such as Albania. They also stipulate that any agreement should be acceptable to the province's ethnic Albanians.
The two sides have disagreed over how much power should be held locally, with the province's minority Serbs insisting they be allowed to run affairs in their communities, establish links to other Serb areas and have special ties to Belgrade. Kosovo's ethnic Albanians say such a solution is a recipe for ethnic partition.

Finally, final status Kosovo must soon secure conditional independence

The international community is finally summoning up the courage to try to settle the Kosovo question - the last big unsolved issue left by the violent collapse of Yugoslavia.
Not before time. While there are risks in pressing for a settlement, it is more dangerous for Kosovo to remain as it is - a United Nations protectorate with its future blighted by uncertainty, unemployment and rampant crime.
The Kosovo Contact Group, consisting of the US, European Union states and Russia, was right after the 1999 war to freeze talk of Kosovo's final status, given the danger of provoking renewed fighting between the ethnic Albanian majority, which wants independence, and the Serb minority which claims Kosovo remains part of Serbia.
But now conditions in the former Yugoslavia are improving. Slovenia has joined the EU, Croatia has started entry talks, Macedonia is a recognised accession candidate, and Bosnia, Serbia and Montenegro have started association agreement talks. Meanwhile Slobodan Milosevic, ex-Yugoslav president, and other alleged war criminals are in custody, although Bosnian Serb leaders Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic are still free. And the economy is recovering from the wars of the 1990s.
With unemployment, crime and corruption rife, the environment is not perfect. Serbia is in a particularly hard position: as well as the prospect of losing Kosovo, it faces a likely complete break with Montenegro, the last ex-Yugoslav republic linked to Belgrade.
But there may never be a better time to act on Kosovo. And, with the US and its allies embroiled in the Middle East, western diplomats badly need a settlement in the Balkans to show intervention can end in success.
The plan is for ethnic Albanians and Serbs to negotiate a settlement. But these talks will very likely break down as Belgrade refuses to accept independence and ethnic Albanians, who compose over 90 per cent of the population, want nothing less.
The Contact Group must then be ready to impose conditional independence as anything less would perpetuate instability and risk an ethnic Albanian backlash. In return, the ethnic Albanians must be pressed to grant the local Serbs constitutional safeguards.
A settlement can be imposed only if Russia co-operates. Moscow has voiced concern about the precedent independence might set for troubled zones of the former Soviet Union. But Russia must be persuaded that UN-sanctioned conditional independence would be a less frightening precedent than an ethnic Albanian uprising.
Whatever the final deal, international troops and administrators must remain in Kosovo for years to come. The EU must continue to support the region with aid and stick by promises of future EU membership. Nothing will help the region to break with the past and focus on the future more than the prospect of EU integration.
The international community is finally summoning up the courage to try to settle the Kosovo question - the last big unsolved issue left by the violent collapse of Yugoslavia.
Not before time. While there are risks in pressing for a settlement, it is more dangerous for Kosovo to remain as it is - a United Nations protectorate with its future blighted by uncertainty, unemployment and rampant crime.

The Kosovo Contact Group, consisting of the US, European Union states and Russia, was right after the 1999 war to freeze talk of Kosovo's final status, given the danger of provoking renewed fighting between the ethnic Albanian majority, which wants independence, and the Serb minority which claims Kosovo remains part of Serbia.

But now conditions in the former Yugoslavia are improving. Slovenia has joined the EU, Croatia has started entry talks, Macedonia is a recognised accession candidate, and Bosnia, Serbia and Montenegro have started association agreement talks. Meanwhile, ex-Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic and other alleged war criminals are in custody, although Bosnian Serb leaders Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic are still free. And the economy is recovering from the wars of the 1990s.
With unemployment, crime and corruption rife, the enviroment is not perfect. Serbia is in a particularly hard position: as well as the prospect of losing Kosovo, it faces a likely complete break with Montenegro, the last ex-Yugoslav republic linked to Belgrade.
But there may never be a better time to act on Kosovo. And, with the US and its allies embroiled in the Middle East, western diplomats badly need a settlement in the Balkans to show intervention can end in success.
The plan is for ethnic Albanians and Serbs to negotiate a settlement. But, these talks will very likely break down as Belgrade refuses to accept independence and ethnic Albanians, who compose over 90 per cent of the population, want nothing less.
The Contact Group must then be ready to impose conditional independence as anything less would perpetuate instability and risk an ethnic Albanian backlash. In return, the ethnic Albanians must be pressed to grant the local Serbs constitutional safeguards.
A settlement can be imposed only if Russia cooperates. Moscow has voiced concern about the precedent independence might set for troubled zones of the former Soviet Union. But Russia must be persuaded that UN-sanctioned conditional independence would be a less frightening precedent than an ethnic Albanian uprising.
Whatever the final deal, international troops and administrators must remain in Kosovo for years to come. The EU must continue to support the region with aid and stick by promises of future EU membership. Nothing will help the region to break with the past and focus on the future more than the prospect of EU integration.

U.S.says a settlement of Kosovo problem must protect rights of minority Serbs

WASHINGTON_The State Department said Tuesday that a Kosovo settlement should be based on protection of rights for the territory's minority Serb population and acceptance by all the people of area.

Spokesman Adam Ereli said Kosovo was discussed Monday at a meeting in Vienna between U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari and leaders from Kosovo and Serbia.

It was the first direct dialogue between the parties since the status process began in November.

"They discussed how the decentralization of the government can better protect the rights of Kosovo's minorities and improve the delivery of public services to all of Kosovo's citizens," Ereli said.

He said he expects further meetings on decentralization in the coming weeks.

Kosovo, with an ethnic Albanian majority, is a province of Serbia. It has been controlled by the United Nations with mainly NATO peacekeepers since a NATO air war in 1999 ended a Serbian crackdown on the Kosovars.

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# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Wednesday, February 22, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

 

Montenegro slams EU's referendum threshold

21.02.2006 - 18:09 CET | By Ekrem Krasniqi

Montenegro says the EU threshold of 55 percent for its independence referendum is undemocratic and could provoke instability, Balkans news agency DTT-NET.COM writes.

"The formula proposed by the EU harms the basic democratic principle that each vote should have the same democratic value," Montenegran prime minister Milo Djukanovic said at the Crans Montana economic forum in Przn, Montenegro, on Monday (20 February).

"The decision belongs to the majority and not the minority. The EU's formula contains a virus which is dangerous to the stability of society when it comes to the implementation of the results," he added.

Montenegro is set to hold the vote on whether to leave the Serbia-Montenegro alliance in April or May, with pro-independence campaigners led by Mr Djukanovic saying that a majority of 25 to 40 percent should be enough for the results to stand.

Serbian-led opposition parties favour a figure of 50 percent or above, with recent opinion polls showing that 41 percent support independence while 32 percent are against.

The Montenegrin law on referendums states that the decision is to be taken by a majority of citizens eligible to vote, but doesn't fix any exact figure.

Kosovo first round inconclusive
Serbia is facing the prospect of losing two territories this year, with UN-led talks currently under way in Vienna on the future status of Kosovo.

The talks have so far focussed on creating Serb-run municipalities in the majority ethnic-Albanian province, under UN protection since 1999, when Serb forces led by Slobodan Milosevic carried out attacks on Albanian communities.

Serb negotiators have argued the quasi-autonomous units are needed to safeguard the civil liberties of ethnic Serbs, but Kosovan Albanians attacked the plan as being based on a "territorial principle, division of communities and non-functional local institutions."

The talks, currently in their first round, are not expected to produce quick results, but the international community, led by the UK, France, Germany, Italy Russia and the US, is pushing for agreement on Kosovo's status by the end of the year.

http://euobserver.com/9/20959

Related...

# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Tuesday, February 21, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

CHALLENGES OF STATE-MAKING
(Zeri, by Bardh Hamzaj)

Since in the process of definition of Kosovo status are involved all main world centers, they also took care to make clearer the framework, within which this solution will be found.

Based on the statements of the personalities that lead the process of definition of Kosovo status, Kosovars have reasons to be satisfied with so-far development of this process.

First, it has to do with the decisiveness of the main western states, including the US, that the status is solved this year and secondly the principles of the Contact  Group made clear that Kosovo cannot return in any way to the situation before 1999 and that its status will bring stability and not open a new phase of the conflicts in the region.

In this context, the statements given to the German media by Martti Ahtisaari that at the end Kosovo people will decide how will Kosovo status look like, did not leave dilemmas about the future of Kosovo. So, the status, will be in accordance with the will of Kosovo people, which is its independence.

All this does not mean that the Albanians have already finished their job. Kosovo and its  people are before the historical moment of the fulfillment of their aspirations, but also at the moment of the biggest challenge, when it should be proved that the equal status with the mechanisms of the highest standards in the world should be reserved.

This implies the capabilities’ of a society to face with challenges of a state-making and creation of free and democratic Kosovo. Kosovo should reach this, otherwise all positive trends marked so far in the recently started process of the definition of the status, could be ruined very quickly.

INDEPENDENCE OR OCCUPATION
(Express, by Tim Judah) 

The moment of truth has finally arrived. More than six years after the end of the Kosovo war, talks on its future status open this morning in Vienna. They are to be chaired by former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari.
For several months diplomatic sources have indicated that, not only do they expect the talks to lead Kosovo’s independence, but that they are not really even about its future status, but rather about the future of the Serbian minority within Kosovo.
Kosovo has a population of some 2 million people of whom more than 90 per cent are ethnic Albanians. They have long demanded independence from Serbia.
War began in Kosovo in 1998 and NATO intervened in 1999. Following a 78-day bombardment of Serbia, its southern province came under the jurisdiction of the UN, although technically the sovereignty of the province remained with Serbia.
An exodus of non-Albanians, primarily Serbs and Roma followed the war. Now some 100,000 Serbs live, either in the north of Kosovo, in an area that abuts Serbia, or in enclaves scattered across the province.
Over the last year, diplomats working on the Kosovo question have predicted that the talks would lead to some form of “conditional independenceâ€. This foresaw the breaking of the sovereign link with Serbia, NATO-led forces remaining and some form of international presence that would have the right, as in Bosnia, to interfere in everyday politics.
Now, however, sources close to the talks process in Vienna have told ISN Security Watch that Kosovo is likely to have far more independence than this. According to these sources, even the term “conditional independence†is now politically incorrect and is being replaced by “sovereignty with limitations†or “monitored independenceâ€.
Talks in Vienna on Monday will center on decentralization. This is diplomatic code for autonomy for Serbian areas. Among things to be discussed will be the redrawing of municipal boundaries to create more Serbian dominated municipalities.
Two questions of highly symbolic importance that are unlikely to be discussed at the Vienna talks - but rather imposed by the UN Security Council in any status decision it is likely to take later this year - are about whether Kosovo will have a seat at the UN and whether it will have an army.
Diplomatic sources have told ISN Security Watch that they expect that Kosovo will have a UN seat sooner rather than later, which means that this could be within the next two or three years rather than say, waiting to time this with Kosovo’s eventual accession to the EU, which is certainly, at the very least, a decade away.
Under any settlement, Kosovo’s security is to continue to be provided by forces from mostly NATO member states and a role in policing is likely to be played by the EU.
As to the question of Kosovo’s own future army, ideas being discussed include a re-branding of the Kosovo Protection Corps. This was set up in the wake of the 1999 war to absorb several thousand former ethnic Albanian guerrillas of the Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK/KLA). Today, despite its military ranks, it is supposed to be an unarmed, civil emergency force. One idea is that it should be given an arsenal of light weapons and given a new role as a “gendarmerie†force.
Although it has been clear for much of the last year that Kosovo was heading towards independence little has been done by Serbian leaders to prepare their population for this eventuality.
Tomislav Nikolic, the leader of the nationalist Serbian Radical Party (SRS), the largest in Serbia’s parliament, says that Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica has agreed with him that if Kosovo becomes independent then it should be declared “occupied territoryâ€.
Kostunica has not denied this claim, which would end Serbia’s bids to join both the EU and NATO, as both of them would presumably be occupying powers, along with Kosovo’s native Albanian population.
Aleksandar Simic, an adviser on Kosovo to Kostunica, said recently that Serbia would “never†accept the independence of Kosovo and: “The Kosovo Albanians have to be aware that they will not receive independence from Serbia and that Serbia will retain the right to take back everything which it lost in an illegal manner.â€
Another possibility currently under discussion in Serbia is whether or not to hold a referendum on the future of Kosovo, in effect, to ask Serbian voters to reject independence.
This idea recalls the referendum held in 1998 when the then-Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic asked Serbs to reject foreign mediation in the Kosovo conflict.
Indeed, the current level of discussion about the future of Kosovo has been greeted with dismay by some in Serbia. Daniel Sunter, head of the Belgrade think tank, the Euro-Atlantic Initiative, says there has been no serious debate in Serbia about what Serbs could expect if Kosovo was not given independence.
Quite apart from the demographic issues involved in trying to live in peace with a young, growing, and hostile Albanian population, he says: “What would it mean for Serbia? That it would take 500,000 soldiers to keep it under control or what?â€
Kosovo Albanian leaders are, of course, in good cheer since independence is the goal they have been working towards since the collapse of the old Yugoslavia.
They are already turning their minds to the period after independence. Veton Surroi, a prominent opposition leader, says that the election of Fatmir Sejdiu as the new president of Kosovo following the death of Ibrahim Rugova last month brings with it an opportunity to clear out a lot of the corrupt old guard of Kosovo politics and usher in new people better able to deal with some of Kosovo’s massive economic problems.
According to Surroi, the 6 February declaration by John Sawers, the political director of the British Foreign Office, that Kosovo would be independent, meant that “the Rubicon has been crossedâ€. That, he said, coupled with the political opportunities that may follow the election of Sejdiu, leads him to feel a new and positive “critical energy†among Kosovo Albanian decision makers.

SOMEONE SAID SOMETHING
(Kosova Sot, editorial)

While the Kosovo delegation started the first round of talks in Vienna as a part of the process for solution of Kosovo’s status, senior leaders in Prishtina were loudly critical towards the delays about the appointment of the two new Ministers. The weakest reaction came from the Kosovo PM, who seems to deal with serious political issues therefore, he has forgotten that according to the Constitutional Framework, he is responsible for the functioning of the Government. But it should be accepted that the decision-making process about this issue exceeds his competencies.

Kosovo should have had the Minister of Internal Affairs and Justice appointed by now. PM Kosumi should have constantly asked and make this issue his priority. It is not known if a meeting was held regarding this issue since the time when the regulation about the creation of these two ministries was approved.

But while PM Kosumi does not want to have bad relationships with the coalition partners, Assembly speaker Nexhat Daci booed his political party. The statements he made yesterday are a severe critique addressed to his party, the LDK, and a sincere concern about the huge stagnation regarding the appointment of the new Ministers. President Ftmir Sejdiu was a bit more laconic and softer, but he did not spare the governing coalition from critics regarding this issue.

The ongoing prolongation is senseless and it is empowering the idea that Kosovar politics has still many defects. The interests about power and competition within parties have been challenging the state’s interests. They have been creating a dangerous precedent just before the recognition of the Kosovar state. These negative models would not help Kosovo to keep the positive image and this may reflect on the relations with the EU and US.

INTERNATIONALS WITH THE EXPIRED MANDATES MIGHT CAUSE RIOTS
(Epoka e Re by Hamdi Miftari)

I was witness of the case when Temporary Media Commissioner Robert Gillette tried to close TV Mitrovica, by confiscating broadcasting equipment. Everyone was surprised when saw that Gillette himself came to Mitrovica, and take the stairs to the 12th floor (since the elevator was not in function) to the studio of Mitrovica TV, handover the confiscation document and return with empty hands.

What I saw there is a very important moment of Kosovo society development. Gillette has announced an inspection to TV Mitrovica and he found himself as violating law not protecting its implementation, what his post as commissioner obliges him. Seeing the case I thought why Gillette is doing this to TV Mitrovica. The reason is very simple: Gillette’s mandate has expired long time ago. The Kosovo Assembly has passed the Law on Independent Media Commission, the SRSG Soren Jessen-Petersen has signed this law, but since the Assembly has not appointed the commissioner, Gillette is trying to find a job for himself by creating troubles there where the situation is sensitive, in Mitrovica.

He allowed broadcasting of TV Most and TV Mir from illegal points and now when his mandate has expired he remembered to stop the illegal broadcast. The justification was found, Gillette’s predecessor Anna De Lellio been hasn’t serious when had licensed TV Mitrovica which covered more than half of Kosovo.

By not having law on his side Gillette tried to confiscate all equipments of TV Mitrovica. The KPS police have no idea about all this. They only knew that an international who had the power wanted to destroy an institution that had many scarification on its way of build, and which had served to the society any time.

All this made me think that if UNMIK had more people like Gillette is, riots in Mitrovica and Kosovo would have been unavoidable.

ROHAN: RETURN OF THIS TERRITORY UNDER SERBIA IS NOT REALISTIC
(Most dailies)  

Most dailies rerun the interview that Austrian diplomat Albert Rohan had with the ‘Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung,’ regarding the beginning of talks in Vienna.  Here are some highlights of it.

FAZ: There is an estimation in Serbia that in Vienna talks on Kosovo there is onluy one status that should be clarified: the Kosovo Serb minority status. for having an independent Kosovo the decision should have been made long time ago.   

Rohan: We as mediators can only follow up the atmosphere in the international community and at the Contact Group. There is a thinking there that Slobodan Milosevic has lost Kosovo in 1999 ad that the return of that territory under Serbia is not realistic. In order not to follow with the main status issue, we are following a strategy so we start concrete issues in the talks, and possibly find many joint solutions on the issues which should necessarily be solved-no matter what would be Kosovo status. our goal is to find a solution which would find the accordance of both parties. If this becomes unachievable, we will report to the UN General Secretary and he will present it to the UN SC.

FAZ: But Government in Serbia is not raising any intentions to rule Kosovo. It wants to protect Serbia’s territorial integrity and disable Kosovo win a place and a vote in the UN.

Rohan: I cannot predict result of talks and I cannot exclude the possibility that an agreement can be achieved now, what seem not to be possible. In case that no agreement will be achieved, the Security Council should decide where four countries are permanent members of the Contact Group.

FAZ: During talks in Vienna the initial issue of discussion will be decentralization. Do you see signs of compromise?

Rohan: There are four issues in the area of decentralization, which should be quickly treated one after another. Then we will have financing of local administration and connections between municipalities, respectively Serb municipalities with Belgrade. The last point is new borders lines between municipalities. In this case it is the wish of Serbs who want delineation of Serb municipalities, that we do support. But these municipalities should be big enough so they could function. We cannot create municipalities with 400 people. Parallel with the decentralization there are also other issues such as protection of Orthodox Churcyh and protection of minorities in the area of legislation and institutionally.             

FAZ: Is there a timeframe for Vienna Negotiations?

Rohan: All these issues will be treated in the beginning, until we reach to the main issue. Then, sooner or later, the political leaders of both parties will have to meet. We aim at solution of Kosovo issue till the end of 2006. 

# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Tuesday, February 21, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

Please find enclosed my article "The 10 Winners of a Kosovo Compromise" published in this week's issue of the Brussels-based newsweekly "New Europe".

February 19-25, 2006. Issue Number 665
----------------------------------------------

Page 2 - Opinion

The 10 Winners of a Kosovo Compromise

By Aleksandar Mitic

Positions on the future status of the Serbian province of Kosovo differ among interested parties and international factors. Yet, as the talks get underway, there is one principle that all believe should be taken as the basis for a sustainable and long-lasting solution: compromise.

There seems to be, however, a misunderstanding of what the word “compromise†implies. Kosovo Albanian leaders claim that their maximalist demand – independence – is a compromising solution. Go figure.

Some analysts, diplomats and lobbyists argue that compromise involves granting Kosovo Albanians independence on condition they start respecting the basic human rights of the Kosovo Serbs that they had been flagrantly breaching in the last six years through murders, kidnappings, arson and destruction of centuries of historic heritage. Notwithstanding the legal fallacies, this indecent proposal is an insult to 21st century European human rights.

Indeed, a compromise for the Kosovo status can only be found within the aim of the talks on Kosovo’s future status: it is to provide a fair, stable, long-term solution for this crisis region.

The majority Kosovo Albanians must get a maximum of opportunities and real means to manage their future without feeling threatened, but also without threatening the interests of Kosovo Serbs, other non-Albanians, Serbia, as well as the security and stability of the rest of the region.

The Contact Group has excluded several options: no return to the situation from before 1999 ( a reference to “standard autonomyâ€Â), no joining to neighbouring states (a reference to a “Greater Albaniaâ€Â) and no partition (a reference to a border division between the Serb and Albanian-populated areas of Kosovo).

Within these recommendations, a compromise can only be found between the standard autonomy for the province – unacceptable for the Albanian aspirations – and the full, be it “conditional†or immediate independence of Kosovo – unacceptable for international law, for the Serbs and the Serbian state.

The proposal of a “maximum autonomy†for Kosovo within the borders of Serbia-Montenegro appears set to satisfy all these criteria. Coupled with an autonomy for the Serb areas within the highly-autonomous Kosovo, it responds to realistic demands of the Kosovo Albanians for self-governing, but it also protects the interests of non-Albanians, of Serbia itself and of the principles of non-violability of borders.

Indeed, the option of an autonomy for the Kosovo Serbs within a “maximum autonomy†for Kosovo – all under EU supervision  -- appears as the most reasonable, compromising and long-term solution.

It is a win-win situation for everyone:

1) The Kosovo Albanians will get the means to manage their future. Kosovo will get a full internal legislative, executive and judicial capacity, a limited external representation – in particular full access to the international financial institutions – a European perspective and a normalization of relations with Belgrade.

2) The Kosovo Serbs and other non-Albanians will be able to enjoy wide-scale decentralization, including horizontal linkage of Serbian municipalities which would benefit from the education, social and health system of central Serbia, as suggested by the UN special envoy Kai Eide.

3) Serbia will not have its borders changed and its historical cradle amputated. Instead of punishing a democratic government in Belgrade and blocking its road towards Europe, it would make Serbia look towards the future rather than the past.

4) Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina will receive formal and practical guarantees that the changes of borders in the Balkans are no longer tolerated. This would dissuade the division of Macedonia along the ethnic Macedonian-Albanian lines and the secession of the Republika Srpska in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

5) Albania will regulate and legalize its relations with Kosovo Albanians, and the Balkans will be freed from the threat of the creation of a “Greater Albania†or a second Albanian state.

6) The European Union will obtain regional stability in the Western Balkans and take fully in charge the European perspective for Kosovo. This is particularly important given that, after Bulgaria’s and Romania’s entry into the EU in 2007/08, the Western Balkans will become the “missing link†for the integrity of the EU.

 7) The United States would be able to finally disengage their troops from Kosovo without losing the diplomatic leverage they now possess in both Belgrade and Pristina.

8) China, Russia, Spain, India, Moldova, Georgia and many other countries in the world facing secessionist tendencies would appreciate not having to deal with a dangerous precedent.

9) The UN will have the basis of international law system respected and its special envoy Marti Ahtisaari would be behind the brokering of a historic deal rather than an imposed solution.

10) Multiethnicity and the idea of Europe would finally win. The horizontal linkage of Serbian municipalities would be a model of integration and survival, as these municipalities would also be fully integrated into the Kosovo system run by Albanian-dominated Pristina. Property rights and the security of Serb Orthodox cultural and religious heritage would be ensured and the return of at least a part of the 220,000 expelled non-Albanians could begin. Under the supervision of the EU and the OSCE, human rights, freedom of movement and dignified life for all would finally triumph.
       
Aleksandar Mitic is a Brussels-based Correspondent of the Tanjug news agency, a Lecturer at the University of Belgrade and Analyst of the Institute 4S.

amitic5star@yahoo.com

# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Monday, February 20, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

 What will be discussed in Vienna (Express)



Along with a paper, Express carried a document that the Daily claims UN Status Envoy, Martti Ahtisaari, sent out to the Kosovo Negotiations Team. The paper writes that the meeting in Vienna, within the framework of decentralization, will also deal with issues like healthcare, education, social welfare, culture, police, justice and public services.

Express says the document prepared by Ahtisaari’s team shows a quite different approach to decentralization compared to the stances coming from Pristina and Belgrade Teams who concentrate more on territorial and political aspects.



1.      Health

Current situation: The PISG Ministry of Health is responsible for policy-making, development and implementation of health strategies, and provision of secondary and tertiary health services. The health directorates in municipalities are responsible for defining the budget for, and implementation of primary health care (PHC) as well as supply management in health facilities. At the end of 2004, the PISG public health system has one university hospital, five regional hospitals, three other hospitals /clinics, 10 TB dispensaries, five health institutions, six community mental centres all run by central level, and 365 PHC facilities run by municipalities.



Ministry of public services sets the staff ceilings for all health facilities while staff management on the PHC level, including hiring is the responsibility of the Ministry of Health and municipality directorates. Kosovo Serbs enclaves manage their own PHC facilities and a hospital in Northern Mitrovica, with financing from Serbian Government and only very limited degree of collaboration with PISG structures.



Ground to be explored: Optional secondary health care in municipal responsibility as long as certain preconditions are fulfilled (extensive catchments are, some degree of use to capacity, profitability). Responsibility for supply management and staff reside with the municipalities (to the extent of the municipalities have functional competencies and within the context of overall policy responsibility of the Ministry of Health and existing KCB budget envelope).



With secondary health care as a voluntary municipal function (possibly by encouraging inter-municipal cooperation) potential drawbacks are to be considered, particularly financial aspects since voluntary functions are usually not reflected in the grant system.



A different approach could be to provide by law that secondary health care shall be delegated to municipalities (or inter-municipal bodies) which fulfil certain conditions. In this case the existing structures will be managed by the concerned municipalities. Delegation will guarantee the right of the Government to exert ultimate control (via a super visionary mechanism), but will also oblige it to transfer the resources necessary.



2.      Education

Current situation: Kosovo currently administers an education system in which educational services are provided separately for the main ethnic groups. As a result Kosovo Albanians and Kosovo Serbs children pursue their studies in their own language according to their own curriculum, textbooks and materials. The PISG has implemented a 5+4+3/4 system of primary and secondary education.



There is only a small non-formal sector which includes eight vocational training facilities administered by the Ministry of Work and Social Welfare (MWSW). Recently, another centre (for agricultural training) has been opened in Lipjan/Lipljan through an agreement with Norwegian NGO Norges Vel.



University of Pristina is the main higher education institution in Kosovo (comprising of 22 faculties and colleges). There is also a university in Serbian language in Mitrovica as well as UP’s satellites in Peja/Pec and Prizren that work in Serbian and Bosnian languages. Education responsibilities are shared amongst central level (MEST and MWSW) and municipalities.



Responsibilities of the Ministry of Education Science and Technology (MEST) are broad and include higher education, school inspection, setting education standards, drafting of curriculum and textbooks, licensing private education institutions, appointment of school directors etc. MEST is represented in a regional level with five field offices. Municipalities are responsible for preschool, primary and secondary education. They are responsible for training the staff, entering the data for schoolchildren, financing, maintaining and repairing of schools, recruiting, contracting and paying administrative, teaching and non-teaching staff. Many municipalities are insufficiently equipped to meet these duties because the staff at disposal has little or no experience in administration of education and many responsibilities are not exercised in full.



School principals are appointed by panels consisting of MEST and municipality representatives, but the final appointment authority rests with MEST. Principals are responsible for academic issues and general administration of schools but they have almost no authority for employing or assessing the staff and organization which has been regulated by administrative instruction of MEST implemented by municipal directors of education. Almost all MEST instructions have been drafted and signed without participation of Kosovo Serbs and without taking into consideration specific concerns of minority communities in Kosovo. This has further aggravated isolation in the field of education.



Ground to be explored: Fundamental principles of decentralization in preschool, primary and secondary education remain valid. As far as education services, they are decentralized to a certain degree.



Structural improvements seem possible by taking into account selection of school principals (with a lesser impact of MEST representatives) as well as drafting of school textbooks (issue that can be left to an independent commission comprising of MEST, minority communities and international participants so that they timely agree on a general curriculum). Some responsibilities like school transport (for students and teachers) as well as food services of the school should be competencies of municipalities. The same goes for preschool education.



All administrative instructions of MEST that have to do with organizing and school staff should be reviewed with participation of Kosovo Serbs and include special measures for minorities. A possible temporary solution should be reviewed for a four-year transitional period during which the two systems of education would become compatible or mutually recognized.







3. Social Policies

Current situation: At present, social welfare services (social service and social assistance), employment, and pension services are under central level administration. Regulation 2005/45 on Family and Social Services, that had been promulgated in September 2005, provides for transfer of responsibilities in the field of social services from central to local level (for instance, Centres for social work, provisions for social services within the territory of municipalities – kindergartens, preschool facilities, household support, personal care, counseling, housing care), provisions on financial assistance to fulfill certain social needs of individuals (in a complementary way to the social assistance scheme that is managed by central level).



Ground to be explored: Regardless of receiving pensions transferred by the Yugoslav pension scheme and pensions received by Kosovo Serbs outside Kosovo (that will not be treated in this context), positions on “decentralization” of social policies should not be very different from one another.



In principle, pensions and other programmes of social protection should be addressed in the central level, therefore the responsibility for legislation, policy making, standards, budget coordination, coordination of trainings and licensing remain in the central level. Otherwise, social services, provided by Centres for Social Work (currently placed under municipal and sub-municipal level) will be transferred to local level as specified in Regulation 2005/45. It should be assessed whether increase of municipalities’ responsibilities should include specific functions transferred to implementation of social assistance programmes (contact centres should be established in municipalities).



In general, development of concrete social services should be led by local level with the greatest possible scope.     



4. Culture (cultural heritage, sports, stage arts, etc) and the media

Current situation: Currently the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports (MCYS) exercises a considerable number of responsibilities in the area of:

·        Cultural heritage (general managing of cultural sites in Kosovo, the Reconstruction Committee, identification and recording of local and national heritage, archives, stage and visual arts, promotions and libraries, culture legislation, registry and inventory of premises, including protection, financing and policies through for Institutes for Protection of Monuments led by central bodies with many transferred competencies.

·        Sports (federations for organizing sports, buildings and equipment. In accordance with Regulation 2000/45, the municipalities manage youth centres and Youth Network (with a financial help from Ministry of Culture, Youth and Non-Residential Affairs), local sports leagues, cultural events and some monuments (if they are not managed by the Institute for Protection of Monuments).



Out of 118 licensed broadcasters in Kosovo, 38 belong to minorities (32 of them to Kosovo Serbs, 2 to Turks, 2 to Bosniaks and 1 to Goranis). In general 30 broadcasters are to some point multiethnic, and a small number of owners broadcast one or more hours in the languages that are not the primary language of the station.



Awaiting the nomination of five local members for the Independent Media Commissioner, all broadcast media – from the municipal, regional or Kosovo wide level – get their licenses from the Temporary Media Commissioner. There are no municipality-owned broadcasters for the sake of protecting the freedom of the media and reducing the illegal local political interference, broadcasting licenses are not given to municipalities. All the radio and TV stations are as a consequence privately financed, with the exception of the RTK, which is a public broadcaster; with one television and two radio station.



Grounds to be explored: Although many responsibilities in the area of cultural heritage have been transferred, the Institute for Protection of Monuments (which in fact is led by the central level) needs to discuss further decentralization regarding maintenance, reconstruction and protection of religious sites. Protection and promotion like the inventorying and recording of the cultural heritage that has not explicitly been declared as ‘national’ should be transferred to municipalities (with some role in the hands of the MCYS in order for it to organize the work in accordance with European standards and to create a sustainable and comprehensive database of the Kosovo cultural heritage and also to organize awareness and education campaigns for respecting the cultural heritage of all the minorities).



The Reconstruction Committee should remain a direct responsibility of the MCYS, in cooperation with the international agencies (Council of Europe, UNESCO, and bilateral donors). However, a coordination/consultation mechanism/process can be recommendable to help transparency and to create the feeling of ownership and responsibility from municipalities.



Regarding the media, the position of the Temporary Media Commissioner/UNMIK is that the democratic principle of the free media rules out the media control by the state, no matter from what government level. Therefore, in no way will the municipalities be involved in managing or regulating the electronic media in Kosovo. There have been some measures taken by Kosovo institutions for a general media policy for minorities (minimal obligatory broadcasting for minority communities, reduction of custom duties and VAT in selling/importing of print media for the minority population), but not immediately linked to the decentralization schemes.



5. Police 

Current situation: Gradual transfer of responsibilities in the area of policing and justice from the exclusive use by UNMIK to the local institutions is being developed trough the establishing of a Ministry for Internal Affairs late in 2005 and transfer of responsibilities to the already completed KPS.



Since the SRSG will have the last say until the end of UNMIK mandate, the responsibilities will be transferred gradually step by step and will be subject to a careful examination of the performance the ministries will show in their responsibilities at each stage; in this process the guarantees for the minority communities should be strengthened.



Ground to be explored: For KPS to fully cooperate with local authorities and Municipality Security Councils of local communities and, with other smaller areas within communities, Local Security Councils are being established in communities inhabited areas, and in respective areas where they are conveniently represented. The Commander of KPS local stations will be selected in consultation with Police Commissioner (similar to ‘Ohrid’ model),

Also, in consultation with village leaders, police sub-stations are being opened in villages of community areas with a considerable number of minorities (14 of which where already established during 2005), and main priority for employment will be given to KPS Officers from these areas. The recruitment, at all levels of KPS, should reflect the need for equal representation of all communities in Kosovo – during 2005 the percentage of minority employment doubled, from 12% to 22%.



6. Justice

Current situation: There are 25 Municipal Courts in total which operate in most existing municipalities in Kosovo (including a number of liaison offices established in smaller municipalities), 5 District Court, an Economic Court in Pristina and Kosovo Supreme Court.



All Municipal and District Courts that operated in Kosovo before March 1999 are transferred to Serbia and have built a parallel system. There are still some parallel courts in Northern Kosovo (Mitrovica, Zubin Potok, Leposavic), while parallel courts in central Kosovo (Strpce, Lipjan and Gracanica) seems to have seized the operation for ever.



The review of community guarantees in the field of justice has already started. In particular, access to Municipal Courts will be enhanced through establishing ‘courts departments’ in enclaves (like the model of Gracanica and Sterpce), and opening of ‘Court liaison offices’ in areas where a new court wouldn’t be economically sustainable. Ideas for transferring responsibilities for minor offences from courts to local administration are being discussed in the context of proposition of a new efficient and economically capable structure of courts in Kosovo. Furthermore, the plans for the transformations of court liaison offices to Offices of civic rights for the implementation of anti-discriminatory laws are sketched and could be implemented with the donors’ assistance.



Ground to be explored: In accordance with the Council of Europe applicable standards, the direct participation of municipalities for the nomination of judges is ruled out because of principles. Furthermore, it seems difficult to avoid practical obstacles for ensuring an unbiased role of judges of minorities in the Kosovo legal system, particularly Serb community, to apply for positions.





7. Public services

Current situation: So far, the management of municipal property and the settlement of public services (as: water, waste, irrigation, water surfaces, drainage, road cleaning services, etc) is done by KTA. Most of municipal properties that served social enterprises (land, materials…) were taken by KTA, although some of them (forestry, agriculture) are managed by municipalities. Water and waste management is done by 8 regional centers  (extended throughout Kosovo – not always within municipal boundaries – excluding north, where a parallel waste management exists).

Under Resolution 1244, UNMIK is currently continuing the general policy of social enterprises privatization, without prejudging the status negotiations outcomes. Here consideration is given to the importance of subsidiary assistance that comes from public enterprises, financial transparency and modern business principles (private sector and public service structures).

Thus, accounting on a considerable transfer of competencies to the local level,    gradual deviation from the general policy is also being considered, such as the transfer of competencies of some social enterprises (land and real property, but transport as well) to municipalities without adequate compensation and the increase of municipality representation in Supervising Boards of Public Enterprises, such as regional centres.



As for power supply, there are discussions going on regarding the need of a vertical division of energetic sector in: production and distribution, later on it could be regionalized, or even at the municipal level (with arguments favouring local property/communities of energetic network and those that believe that the industrial trend is more aggressive and that solutions should be more competitive in the energy sector.)



Ground to be explored: KTA has carried a process of incorporation of Public Enterprises in order to improve the management of companies, financial transparency and accountability procedures. Taking into account the fact that Public Enterprises can operate in individual municipalities, in several municipalities, or throughout Kosovo, discussions are underway to extend the company boards with more municipal representatives. Legal mechanisms are being reviewed for facilitating the transfer of competencies of social enterprises to municipal level without any compensation.



The vertical division of energetic system is part of Athens Agreement, where UNMIK is participatory. The vertical division is necessary in order to make the energetic market more competitive and efficient, and consumers (at least the major one) would have the possibility of choosing the supplier. Vertical division of KEK should address questions like how, when and the scale of problems that may arise when transferring KEK’s assets to new companies.



In the long-term, it is clearly visible that a number of public services should eventually be transferred to municipal institutions, or to be privatized and operate as private enterprises. This transfer should be planned clearly in order to prevent flaws of providing services. In this context, the ownership of key networks should not necessarily transfer to specific municipalities. The ownership over the network should be kept at central levels.

# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Thursday, February 16, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

  PRAVDA

 

Front page / Russia / News from the Kremlin

President Putin masters the art of double standards to find understanding with the West

14.02.2006

Source:

URL: http://english.pravda.ru/russia/kremlin/75929-double-0

It seems that Vladimir Putin has been mastering the art of double standards lately. This art gives an opportunity to many countries – the USA first and foremost – to adjust their national interests to formal democratic and international standards. Judging upon recent statements from the Russian president, it becomes clear that Putin prefers to concentrate on the real state of affairs rather than dwell upon political fantasies. The first double standard of the Russian president is connected with his attitude to terrorists. Pravda.Ru reported before that Russia had invited Hamas leaders to come to Moscow for talks. Such an initiative caused quite a stir in Israel . The whole world sees Hamas as a terrorist movement which does not recognize Israel. However, Putin stated at the press conference for Russian and foreign media in the Kremlin on January 31 that Russia had never considered Hamas a terrorist organization. Yet, Russia has been taking great efforts lately trying to make the international community refer to Chechen separatists as 'terrorists' not 'rebels.' European politicians have repeatedly tried to make the Russian administration negotiate with "rebels." Putin firmly stated that "Russia does not negotiate with terrorists." Needless to say that Russia is not the only country which uses double standards in international politics. The USA would never dare to launch a military campaign against Iraq if the US administration did not rely on double standards. The Bush's administration successfully used the conflict of such values as security and international rights. Russia studies the art of the double standards technologies too. Western politicians claim that the Russian administration supposedly has a biased attitude to Ukraine. It is not ruled out that Russia decided to punish the new Ukrainian government for its pro-Western political orientation during the recent gas conflict. Russian politicians would never say that they wanted to make Ukraine stop stealing the Russian natural gas and make the country more Russia-dependent. Instead, it was clearly said that the conflict had occurred because of the need to introduce new market prices between Russia and Ukraine. It is noteworthy that Russia continues to sell natural gas to Belarus at a very low price of $50 per cubic meter. Ukraine has given many other reasons to Russian politicians to train their skills in the art of realpolitik. Russia harshly criticized the Western stance during the presidential election in Ukraine claiming that the West was supporting one of the Ukrainian political forces. However, Russia openly supported Viktor Yushchenko's rival at the election, Viktor Yanukovich. Double standards help Vladimir Putin achieve at least a little bit understanding in the relations with the West. Tax evasion, for instance, is considered one of the most severe economic crimes in the Western society. As a result, this aspect became the key argument in the notorious Yukos case. When a Spanish journalist asked Putin if the use of non-transparent companies in state-run transactions had a goal to avoid tax payments, the president answered negatively to that question. The vast majority of Russian companies use Yukos 's financial schemes in their financial activities. Nevertheless, the police do not raid their offices nor do they arrest their accounts. Here is another example. The Russian administration does not consider oligarch Roman Abramovich an economic criminal because Abramovich takes the post of the Chukotka regional governor. Putin would never try to explain that the Russian property needs to be laundered within the scope of partnership between a wealthy entrepreneur and the state. If the president released such a statement in public, Russia would be deprived of foreign investments immediately. It just so happens that honesty comes in conflict with state security at this point. Another example of double standards in Russia can be found in the field of Russia's internal problems and their estimation. The children of Russian senior officials may not worry about their future: they will have most prestigious jobs owing to their parents' efforts. For example, the son of Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov has recently taken an important position at Vnesheconombank (Foreign Economic Bank). President Putin referred to such events as an "ugly trend." "We must always try to restrict the power of state officials, put them inside the legal framework and make their work transparent and public as much as possible. At the same time, we must guarantee the rights of their family members. They are humans too. They have a right for a career. But this is a very subtle aspect," Putin stated. Indeed, it is extremely hard to find a definitive line separating human rights and the struggle against corruption. United Russia party is currently working on a draft law about Russian deputies' right for commercial activities. This opportunity would be equated with a right to accept bribes in the Western countries. Cogency is the most important factor in the policy of double standards. "Principles must be universal, otherwise they will not make anyone trust the policies that we are running," Vladimir Putin said at the press conference for foreign media in the Kremlin.

 

 

# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Wednesday, February 15, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

Milan V. Petkovic

Albanian Terrorists

 

There is only one step from fanaticism to barbarism.
Denis Diderot

1998., NIGP Kalekom, Beograd

© 1998 Milan V. Petkovic

 

CONTENTS

• Introduction
• Bibliography
• About the Author

CHAPTERS

1. Islamic Extremism and the European Quest
   • Growing Iranian influence
   • The Albanian Initiative
   • The US Interest for Terrorists in Kosovo and Metohija
2. Turkey, Albania and the "Republic Kosova"
   • Using religion
   • Turkey, Albania and Kosovo and Metohija
   • Planning the "Republic of Kosova"
3. The "Kosovo Liberation Army"
   • What is the "Kosovo Liberation Army"?
   • Profile of a terrorist
   • "Dogs of War" are arriving
4. Profession  Terrorist

• Miscellaneous
  • Others about Balcan
    • Milan V. Petkovic: Albanian Terrorists [in English language]
    • Milan V. Petkovic: Albanski teroristi [in Serbian language]
• Documents
• Students
• Assosiation of Serbian hystorics
• Petitions

[Angelina]

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Page created date: 1998-11-04 & Last modified: 2004-06-28

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# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Wednesday, February 15, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

The EU needs a bolder Balkan strategy

In Short:

This article, written by former Swedish Prime Minister Carl Bildt for the Centre for European Reform, argues that "the best thing the EU could do to promote Balkan stability would be to offer an indicative timetable to each state that shows an appetite for reform and a willingness to engage with the Union."

The Balkans are returning to the top of the EU's agenda. UN envoy Martti Ahtisaari has begun to negotiate Kosovo's future, while Montenegrins will probably vote in April on whether to break with Serbia. Both processes could destabilise a region that is suffering an economic crisis. Unemployment is about 30 per cent in Serbia and Montenegro, 40 per cent in Macedonia and 50 per cent in Kosovo.

The European Commission quite rightly wants to give the entire region a clear perspective of membership, as an incentive for the various governments to carry out painful reforms. The demise of the EU's constitutional treaty has turned some member-states away from the idea of further enlargement. Nevertheless, last year the EU began accession talks with Croatia, declared Macedonia a candidate, and started negotiating 'stabilisation agreements' with Serbia and Bosnia.

To read the article in full, visit the Centre for European Reform (CER) website.

# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Tuesday, February 14, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

KiM Info Newsletter 10-02-06

Serbian Orthodox Church specifies basic principles on future protection of the Serbian Orthodox religious and cultural heritage in Kosovo

Information Service of the Serbian Orthodox Church
Original document in Serbian (February 7, 2006)

SERBIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH

Taking into account the decisions from this yearÂ’s autumn session of the SOC Holy Assembly of Bishops (November 1-4, 2005), the Holy Synod of Bishops and the Council for Kosovo and Metohija of the Holy Assembly of Bishops hereby define the following with regard to forthcoming talks on the future status of Kosovo and Metohija.

BASIC PRINCIPLES

of the SOC Holy Synod of Bishops and the Council for Kosovo and Metohija of the Holy Assembly of Bishops with regard to forthcoming talks on the future status of Kosovo and Metohija

1. In the process of resolving the future status of Kosovo and Metohija the Serbian Orthodox Church, her faithful and her Holy Shrines in the Province should be provided with adequate protection and a free life in accordance with basic principles of religious freedom and human rights generally accepted in the democratic world.

2. The position of the Serbian community in Kosovo and Metohija should be regulated by a special form of decentralization enabling the effective protection of the vital interests of the Serbian people, especially in the areas of education, culture, media, health and social policy, economic and property issues, local police and judiciary. It is especially important to ensure the return of Serb refugees, their secure living conditions and lasting survival. Toward this end, the Serbian Orthodox Church gives its wholehearted support to the Negotiation Team on the future status of Kosovo and Metohija, which will represent the interests of the Serbian people and state.

3. In addition to fundamental interest in the institutional, legal and property protection of the Serbian people in Kosovo and Metohija, the Church is also vitally interested in the long-term protection of her holy shrines: monasteries, churches, property and cultural patrimony. For centuries, these Holy Shrines have been and remain the faithful guardians and witnesses of the spiritual and cultural identity of the Serbian people in the Province and as such they must be preserved for the future by being given a special position (status) within the framework of the future, comprehensive solution for Kosovo and Metohija. It is important to protect specific Holy Sites not only as cultural and religious monuments but also as living communities of a living people.

4. In cooperation with relevant experts, during the talks it is necessary to define concrete mod-els that would ensure the Serbian Orthodox Church, whose spiritual seat is the Pec Patriarchate, and its local Diocese of Raska-Prizren and Kosovo-Metohija with full internal autonomy, free pastoral and missionary work with its faithful, protection of property and other rights, protection of proper names and identity, and unobstructed communication with the canonic and administrative seat of the SOC in Belgrade. In this respect, it is very important that within the future Law on Religious Freedoms in Kosovo and Metohija the SOC is provided with full rights in accordance with the UN Charter and other relevant international acts on the protection of human and religious rights and freedoms.

5. It is also necessary to ensure special, internationally guaranteed status and models for lasting protection of the living Serbian Orthodox monasteries in Kosovo and Metohija by creating appropriate protective zones around monasteries, with the presence of international military forces wherever and for as long as necessary. In addition to the protective zones, it is necessary to provide special guarantees for the free, spiritually and physically unobstructed life and work of monastic communities, unhindered access for the faithful and for pilgrims, as well as appropriate customs, tax and other benefits enabling the economic sustenance of these communities, which support themselves by their work. The form and scope of protective zones would depend on their significance and on the fact whether a monastery is located in a part of the Province inhabited by an Albanian or a Serbian majority.

6. The complete arrangement for protection of institutions, sites and patrimony of the Serbian Orthodox Church should be under the special monitoring of the International Community, in full coordination with the Government of Serbia, Kosovo provincial institutions and UNESCO, which would ensure the sustainability of protective mechanisms within the framework of the international civil presence in Kosovo. This institution would concern itself with current issues and arbitration in the event agreed-upon principles are not honored. It would maintain ties with international factors, police and municipal authorities. Participation in this process should include appropriate experts from Belgrade and Pristina and experts of the Serbian Orthodox Church, as well as representatives of the International Community.

7. At the same time, in accordance with Resolution 1244, Annex 2, Item 6, it is necessary to enable the unobstructed engagement of experts of the Ministry of Culture from Belgrade and the Serbian Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments, who have already worked on the protection of Serbian spiritual, cultural and historical patrimony in Kosovo and Metohija in the past, and who possess complete documentation and specialized experience. The engagement of experts from Belgrade would also be realized in cooperation with representatives of local Kosovo institutions under the unique auspices of the EU. The eventual transfer of jurisdiction over the SOC cultural patrimony in Kosovo and Metohija to Kosovo institutions is unacceptable because the local Kosovo Ministry of Culture lacks the expertise for this jurisdiction and is inadequate to guarantee and ensure the protection of the identity and purpose of these Holy Shrines.

8. The resolution of the future status of Kosovo and Metohija should enable the complete restoration of all Orthodox churches and monasteries that have been destroyed or damaged since 1999, their return into liturgical function, the full protection for the property of the SOC, as well as special guarantees intended to make it possible for the SOC and other religious communities to ensure the restitution of property illegally confiscated after World War II in accordance with special legislation to be passed in accordance with European standards.

9. The resolution of the future status of Kosovo and Metohija should include special provisions protecting the identity, the historical and spiritual origin and the patrimony of the Serbian people. Even though our patrimony is physically located in Kosovo and Metohija, nevertheless it cannot be called the cultural patrimony of Kosovo but the Serbian cultural patrimony of Kosovo and Metohija (just as there is Albanian, Roma and Ottoman patrimony in Kosovo and Metohija). The imposition of a collective identity to this cultural patrimony represents a threat to the survival of Serbian cultural patrimony and to our people as a whole, as well as a change in the identity of Christian civilization in the Province.

10. The views of the Serbian Orthodox Church are completely complementary with the Plan of the Government of Serbia for Kosovo and Metohija, and with the most recent plan of President Tadic regarding the two-entity reorganization of the Province as a part of Serbia. The SOC Holy Synod of Bishops has taken the view at its most recent session in November 2005 that the issue of the future status of the Province must be resolved in accordance with international principles on the inviolability of sovereignty and integrity of democratic states, including Serbia and Montenegro. The future solution for Kosovo and Metohija must take into account the interests of all citizens which live there and must be such that it does not destabilize the situation in the region, which after years of war and suffering needs peace, reconciliation, cooperation, spiritual, moral, economic and all other forms of progress.

# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Saturday, February 11, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

Kosovo Serb leaders against withdrawing from negotiations (Tanjug) 

Kosovo Serb leaders have assessed that the Belgrade authorities should not give up negotiations on the future status of Kosovo regardless of western officials statements that anticipate the status of the province. SLKM head Oliver Ivanovic has pointed out that the withdrawal from negotiations before they have even begun would represent a big and fatal mistake. Our opponents expect that we give up the negotiations so that they would go on without us, like in Rambouillet, but with consequences for the entire Serb people, said Ivanovic. He added that such an action would prevent the Serb side from arguing with the results of those negotiations. SNC official Rada Trajkovic has assessed that as long as there is a chance for negotiations, there is the chance for Serbs to achieve the fulfillment of their requests. She warned that giving up the negotiations would result in the expelling of Serbs from Kosovo.

# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Thursday, February 09, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

Interview with the Russian Ambassador in Belgrade (Blic)

The Contact Group, in whose work Russia is taking part, has not passed any decision on the possible status of Kosovo, the Russian Ambassador in Belgrade Aleksandr Alexeyev told Blic on the occasion of the statement by British diplomat John Sawers that Kosovo independence had already been agreed.

What kind of solution Russia advocates?

“The solution for Kosovo’s status must be the result of a direct dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina along with significant support of the international community. It is a dangerous attempt to impose any kind of solution on anyone. Imposed solutions by rule aren’t long lasting.â€

Only Russia considers that it isn’t possible to achieve a solution this year.

“In the Contact Group statement from London, on which all member-states agreed, it is not mentioned anywhere that the negotiations must end in 2006, but it is stressed that all efforts will be undertaken so talks would be completed by the end of the year. If additional time is needed for working out a compromise and safe solution, that will not be a problem.â€

What does President Putin think when he says that a universal solution must be found for Kosovo?

“The Kosovo problem is not the only problem Europe is facing. If we want to resolve similar problems, and for this to strengthen and not to destroy European security, we must strongly adhere to the existing principles. If we approach individually, and often with political ideas, each individual conflict, then the results could be very serious and negative.â€

What kind of consequences could Kosovo’s independence have on the Balkans, the Russian Federation and Europe? 

“If someone is allowed to violate the principles of the inviolability of borders, then why couldn’t other do this as well.â€

Do you also have in mind B&H, Spain, Cyprus… 

“President Putin has turned the attention to the frozen conflicts that exist in the former USSR. This issue especially concerns us, because we are deeply involved in the resolution of these conflicts and we are very interested in finding an unambiguous legal solution. I imagine that similar problems are appearing in other parts of Europe as well.â€

# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Thursday, February 09, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post

• The Legacy Of Ibrahim Rugova
• Rugova's Death Complicates Final-Status Process
• Premier Says Independence Shouldn't Be 'Bargained For'
• U.S. Says Ethnic Albanians Must Demonstrate Good Governance
• UN Envoy Backs Launch Of Final Status Talks
• RFE/RL Speaks With UN Special Envoy Kai Eide

# posted by ANTIC.org-SNN : Tuesday, February 07, 2006  0 Comments Links to this post